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How the Kerensky Offensive Empowered the Bolsheviks

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How the Kerensky Offensive Empowered the Bolsheviks

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How the Kerensky Offensive Empowered the Bolsheviks

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pplpodHow the Kerensky Offensive Empowered the Bolsheviks. Machine-transcribed; use the interactive transcript above to jump the player to any line.

Every day, excessive delays and denials from big insurers keep patients from accessing the care they need. And when care is urgent, these delays can be disastrous. These practices cost billions in wasteful spending, driving up costs for American families. But while big insurers put up barriers, America's hospitals and health systems are in your corner. Navigating endless reviews and appeals to get you the care you need when you need it most. It's time to curb these harmful practices and put the focus back on patients. Brought to you by the Coalition to Strength in America's Health Care. Welcome to The Deep Dive. We're skipping the usual pleasantries today because we have a massive, incredibly dense historical breakdown to get through. Yeah, we really do. There's a lot of ground to cover. Our mission today is to explore the 1917 Karinsky Offensive. And I'll say, if you are the kind of person who loves tracing massive global shifts back to a single chaotic flashpoint, this is exactly for you. Oh, without a doubt. One of those moments is it just redefines everything. Okay. Let's unpack this.

The setting is the summer of 1917. World War I has been grinding up an entire generation for what, three years at this point. Right. Three brutally long years. And in Russia, the Tsar, Nicholas II, has just abdicated the throne. The country is crumbling. The political landscape is completely revolutionary. And the brand new provisional government decides that the absolute best way to unite this fragmented nation is to launch an attack. Right. One final massive military offensive against the central powers. What's fascinating here is the sheer audacity. And well, perhaps the fatal flaw of that premise. I mean, you have a government trying to launch a coordinated, highly disciplined military operation using an army that has essentially just democratized itself, which sounds impossible. Because it is. These are soldiers who have just experienced a revolution. They suddenly feel they no longer have to blindly take orders from above. It is a stunning paradox to try and execute a war with a military apparatus that is actively

dismantling its own hierarchy. And if you've ever wondered exactly how the Russian Empire tipped from a new liberal provisional government directly into the hands of the Bolsheviks, the dominoes do not start falling in a palace. No, they don't. They start falling right here in the muddy trenches of Gillesia. To really understand how this gamble played out, we have to look at the pressure cooker that was Russia in early 1917. The economy was just in free fall. Free fall? Yeah. To fund the war, the previous government had simply printed money, which led to catastrophic inflation. Food prices had more than tripled. Hunger was the primary driving force on the streets. Hunger is always the ultimate catalyst. You know, in February, female factory workers in Petrograd marched demanding bread, but they were quickly joined by male workers and the demands shifted almost overnight from food to the complete overhaul of the state. And the military response to that was the real turning point, wasn't it? Exactly. When the military commander in Petrograd ordered the garrison to fire on the riders, a critical mass of soldiers just outright refused.

They turned their weapons around and joined the crowds. That systemic military refusal was the breaking point that forced Tsar Nicholas II out. Which leaves a massive power vacuum. And what steps into that vacuum is a bizarre political reality known as dual power. Dual power, yes. On one side, you have the provisional government. This is made up mostly of liberal politicians from the old state, Duma. Technically, they run the country, right, technically on paper on paper. But on the other side, you have the Petrograd Soviet, which is a council of workers and soldiers. And they hold the actual physical power on the streets. It's important to note, impartially, that neither of these groups was fully in control of the masses. No, nobody was driving the car at that point. Right. Looking in the background of all this are the Bolsheviks, the radical anti-war friends who are just actively watching this moderate coalition struggle to maintain order. And that struggle is most apparent in the military. The Petrograd Soviet was terrified that conservative generals might use the army to crush the revolution.

So they issued something called order number one. This is where it gets crazy. It really is. The intent of order number one was simply to secure military loyalty to the Soviet. But once that order reached the front lines, the elisted men interpreted it as absolute liberation. They thought it was a free path. Exactly. They believed it meant they no longer had to obey their officers at all. They immediately formed the soldiers' committees to vote on their actions. It's so difficult to fathom the reality of that on a battlefield. I mean, think about it like this. Imagine a corporate hierarchy where the interns suddenly get to vote on whether the CEO's strategy should be executed. That is exactly what it was like. You have commanding officers trying to orchestrate complex trench warfare. And they suddenly have to pause, literally pause a war, and negotiate with a committee of enlisted men who are taking a vote on whether or not the artillery brage is a good idea. It paralyzes the entire command structure. And we have to look at the deep-seated class tensions driving this.

The pre-war officer corps was largely aristocratic. They looked at these new peasant-led committees with absolute contempt. Obviously. And then it was a complete inversion of the natural social order they had known their whole lives. Meanwhile, the soldiers, mostly peasant draftees, they were deeply patriotic about defending their homes. But they had zero interest in dying to conquer new territory for government they barely recognized. So discipline didn't just bend, it completely evaporated, which brings up a glaring contradiction. In the middle of all this evaporating discipline in political chaos, why would the provisional government choose to attack? It's the big question. Right. Because holding the line seems difficult enough. Launching a massive offensive seems like institutional suicide. It looks suicidal and hindsight sure. But at the time, they were crushed between two immense pressures. First, the Entente allies, Britain, France, Italy were really turning the screws.

They desperately needed Russia to attack in order to pull German troops away from the Western Front. And there was a financial threat attached to that. A massive one. The Russian Foreign Minister was explicitly warned that the allies might withhold the massive loans Russia needed to avoid complete bankruptcy. It was in many ways financial blackmail. But was it purely financial desperation? Or did the provisional government actually believe a victory was possible? Because the new Minister of War, Alexander Karinsky, seemed remarkably convinced that a successful offensive would give Russia the leverage to negotiate an end to the war on their own terms. Peace without annexations or reparations. That was the goal. Karinsky was a brilliant orator, but he suffered from a dangerous level of political optimism. That's a great way to put it. He genuinely believed that the fervor of the revolution could be translated into military aggression. He thought a victory would force Germany to the negotiating table. He treated it like a political campaign. I mean, he was acting almost like a modern political rock star touring the front lines,

giving these sweeping, emotional speeches alongside General Alexi Prasalov to just whip up enthusiasm. Speeches don't deflect bullets, though. No, they do not. And the military leadership quickly realized that their regular infantry was fundamentally unreliable. Many soldiers were openly stating they would not leave their trenches. So the high command needed a workaround. They needed troops who wouldn't call a committee meeting when order to charge. Exactly. Here's where it gets really interesting. The provisional government's desperate solution to this total lack of discipline was to create volunteer shock battalions. Officially called revolutionary battalions, but popularly known as the battalions of death. The sheer scale of this volunteer movement is staggering. Between March and November of 1917, roughly 600,000 volunteers stepped up to join these shock units. Wow. 600,000. Yeah. The military pulled the most loyal, experienced, and aggressive soldiers and officers from regular regiments, and even brought in civilian volunteers from Petrograd and Moscow.

The psychological tactics involved in these battalions were intense, too. We even see the creation of a women's battalion, and the strategy behind it wasn't just about adding numbers to the ranks. The provisional government explicitly deployed the women's battalion to the frontlines to shame the demoralized regular male infantry into fighting. It is a profound reflection of the societal desperation in 1917, Russia. I mean, they were willing to shatter deeply entrenched gender norms if it meant squeezing one last push out of the army. But did it actually work? Well, from a purely military perspective, creating these elite shock battalions was a strategic disaster. By siphoning off the most motivated, capable soldiers into a few specialized units, they completely hollowed out the regular infantry. Right. You take the best guys out. Exactly. They removed the backbone from the main army, leaving the bulk of their forces even more hesitant and uncoordinated. And that structural weakness really sets the stage for the launch on July 1st. The 7th and 11th armies begin their advance toward the city of Lemberg in the north.

And initially, against all conventional logic, it works. It really does. The shock battalions violently break through the Austro-Hungarian trenches. They capture over 18,000 men on the very first day. And hidden within that initial push is a highly complex, almost ironic engagement at the battle of Zborov. Oh, the Czech story. Yes. In the 11th Army sector, a Russian-aligned Czechoslovak brigade assaulted the Austro-Hungarian 19th Infantry Division. Now the Austro-Hungarian division was actually comprised of many ethnic checks. So you have checks, fighting checks, in the middle of a Russian offensive against a crumbling Habsburg Empire. It is a tragic microcosm of the entire war. The Czechoslovak volunteers successfully pushed the Austro-Hungarian forces out of the town. That was a relatively small tactical engagement. It became a foundational mythos for Czech and Slovak history. It represented a critical moment of armed struggle for their eventual independence. But that localized triumph really just masked the deeper rot in the Russian lines, didn't

it? Because the whiplash hits almost immediately. After two days of intense combat, those elite shock troops, the ones who carried the entire advance, are severely depleted. They take massive casualties. Right. They are infantry who are supposed to follow up and secure the gains. They simply sit down. They decide they've done their part and they refuse to advance further. The momentum doesn't just stall. It evaporates. By the evening of the second day, the troops of the 7th Army are actively refusing attack quarters. It all culminates in a catastrophic failure for the first guards corps on July 6th. And these were supposed to be the reserves, right? Exactly. This was supposed to be the 11th Army's fresh reserve force. They're ordered into the assault, but the massive artillery barrage intended to clear their path just never materializes. So they are sent charging into fully intact enemy fortifications. And the losses are horrific. Absolutely horrific. And the reaction is immediate mutiny. The Jaina command completely shatters under the pressure. The corps commander tries to arrest the political agitators in the ranks, which of course only

pours gasoline on the fire. And the supreme irony here is that when reinforcements finally arrive from Petrograd to stabilize the line, they don't fire a single shot at the enemy. Not one. They actually spend their time spreading Bolshevik anti-war propaganda among the mutinings soldiers. They actively make it worse. Yes, they do. But while the northern front was paralyzed by its own newfound democracy, there was one commander who entirely rejected this political reality. Down in the south, the 8th Army was only supposed to play a supporting role. Yes. And while the rest of the offensive was sputtering into mutiny, Cornelov's forces actually shattered the Austro-Hungarian lines. The advanced 30 kilometers capturing the towns of Kalush and Gaelic. And Cornelov succeeded entirely because he refused to play by Kurenski's rules. I mean, he was fiercely pragmatic. He utilized committees of agitators to persuade his men when it suited him. But fundamentally, he was completely ruthless. He didn't tolerate the insubordination that was tearing apart the northern armies.

Ruthlessness was his defining trait. I mean, when Cornelov requested reinforcements to press his advantage, he received units from the 7th Army, the very troops who had been marinated in that Bolshevik anti-war propaganda. Right. The mutineers. Exactly. And when those soldiers arrived at the front and subsequently attempted to abandon their positions and retreat, Cornelov didn't negotiate. He turned his own machine guns and artillery on his clean troops. He literally slaughtered his own men to maintain the line. He did. And if we connect this to the bigger picture, Cornelov's brutal, localized success fundamentally altered the political landscape in Petrograd. Well, because he was the only general delivering victories, his actions were heavily amplified in the Russian press, conservative circles, and even terrified leaders within the provisional government, began to view Cornelov not just as a general, but as a potential strong man. Like a savior complex. Yes. They saw a savior figure who possessed the iron will necessary to restore order to a

spiraling nation. But no amount of iron will could hold back the sheer weight of the German war machine. On July 19th, the central powers launch a massive counteroffensive, and the Russian Army doesn't just execute a tactical retreat, it completely disintegrates. The 11th Army abandons its positions entirely, the 7th Army breaks, and soon, even Cornelov's 8th Army is forced into a rapid withdrawal because their northern flank has just ceased to exist. The scale of the collapse is difficult to comprehend. The Russian Army is pushed back 120 kilometers in a matter of weeks. They hambridge all the hard fought territorial gains they had secured during the Bruce Love Offence of the previous year. All of it gone. Because the entirety of eastern Galicia is retaken by the central powers. Now there is one operational bright spot during this collapse, which we should briefly acknowledge impartially. Down in the Romanian theater, Russo-Romanian forces actually mounted a successful defense against the central powers at places like Moraci and Moraci.

Right. The Romanian campaign was a tactical success. The site of the Romanian Army effectively advancing and holding the line actually bolstered the morale of the Russian troops deployed in that specific sector. It prevented the complete conquest of Romania. But strategically. Strategically. In the broader context of the eastern front, it was irrelevant. The center of the Russian line had evaporated. So what does this all mean for you listening? We have an offensive that promised peace and delivered a 120 kilometer retreat, hundreds of thousands of casualties, but it's the political shockwaves back in Petrograd that truly reshape the 20th century. This is where the dominoes really start falling rapidly. The cascading consequences of this failure are immense. First, even before the offensive fully collapsed, the mere threat of being deployed to the front sparked the July days in Petrograd. These were the massive protests, right? Yes. Violent uprisings by garrison soldiers and workers who were terrified of being sent into the meat grinder. The government barely survived the riots.

And in the desperate aftermath of that, they turned to the one man who seemed to hold the army together. Cornelaw is promoted. First, he has made commander of the southwestern front, and then Karenski appoints him supreme commander of the entire Russian armed forces, which sets the stage for the ultimate political miscalculation. Cornelaw, riding high on conservative backing and disgusted by the weakness of the provisional government, reinstates the death penalty at the front and drastically limits the power of the soldiers' committees. He's rolling back the clock. Trying to, anyway. By September, he decides the only way to save Russia is to march his troops on Petrograd and crush the Soviet entirely. This becomes known as the Cornelaw of a fair. A military coup that spectacularly backfires, Karenski panics. To stop Cornelaw's advancing troops, the provisional government and the moderate Soviet realize they don't have enough loyal soldiers left to defend themselves. They're completely out of options. So they turn to the radical fringes. They release imprisoned Bolshevik leaders.

And crucially, they arm 25,000 Bolshevik workers forming the red guards. This is the definitive turning point. By launching the July offensive, the provisional government proved to the peasantry that they valued foreign alliances and war aims over Russian lives. They completely destroyed their credibility with the military. And by appointing Cornelaw, they alienated the working class in the political left. And then by crushing Cornelaw's coup, they literally handed the weapons to the Bolsheviks. The provisional government essentially engineered its own obsolescence. Exactly. They provided the Bolsheviks with the exact influence, justification, and firepower required to launch the October Revolution just weeks later. It is an incredible historical tragedy. The Karenski offensive was designed to be the ultimate unifying force. It was supposed to legitimize a new democratic Russia on the world stage. Instead, it served as the exact catalyst that fractured the military and handed the nation to Lenin. It's a stark lesson in the limits of political rhetoric against military reality.

And there is a final detail here that underscores the profound avoidability of this tragedy. Tell me. Months before the offensive even began, a delegation from the United States, led by former Secretary of State Elihu Rout, traveled to Russia. Rout met extensively with the Russian leadership and strongly advised them against launching any offensive operations. He saw the writing on the wall. He recognized the fragility of the democratized army. He argued that the troops needed time to recover from the political upheaval. But more importantly, his strategic assessment was that Russia didn't need to attack to be useful. Right. Because of the two front war. Precisely. Simply by staying nominally at war and holding their trenches, Russia was forcing Germany to keep dozens of divisions tied down on the eastern front. Their mere presence was a massive strategic service to the Allies. They just needed to hold the line. They didn't need to advance an inch. That's it. And this raises an important question for you to ponder. What if Kurenski and the provisional government had simply listened to that pragmatic advice?

Wow. Yeah. What if they had accepted the reality of their exhausted military, stayed on the defensive, and let the revolutionary fervor cool down in the trenches? Could the complete disintegration of the army, the subsequent army of Bolsheviks and the entire geopolitical trajectory of the Soviet century, have been avoided simply by choosing to do nothing? That is a staggering historical what if to leave on. Sometimes the most consequential action really is in action. Thank you so much for joining us on this deep dive. We hope this exploration of the Kurenski offensive gave you a few of those aha moments and a deeper understanding of the fragile moments that shape our world. Keep questioning the historical narratives you think you know and we'll see you next time. Today excessive delays and denials from big insurers keep patients from accessing the care they need. And when care is urgent these delays can be disastrous. These practices cost billions in wasteful spending, driving up costs for American families. But while big insurers put up barriers, America's hospitals and health systems are in your corner. Navigating endless reviews and appeals to get you the care you need when you need it most.

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