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The Glenn Beck Program — Best of the Program | 9/3/26. Machine-transcribed; use the interactive transcript above to jump the player to any line.
Today on the Best of the Glenn Beck program. Last night, the president came out in the Rose Garden. He sat down with swing district Republicans in the Rose Garden, told him exactly what he intends to do. And on Monday night, February 1983, a hundred and six million Americans sit down and watch the last episode of MASH, not a hundred and six million across the season, a hundred and six million people on one night, more than half the country are all doing at the same hour watching the same helicopter lived off the same hill. The same week in Plymouth, Mass, 12 other people are trying to decide what happened to a mother named Lindsey Clancy. 80 witnesses, 300 exhibits, five days of deliberation, roughly 30 hours. Twice they've told the judge, we can't agree.
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You're listening to the best of the pandemic program. So Ryan Reynolds, a Canadian, sorry, just had to throw it. Ryan Reynolds has come out, and I love Ryan Reynolds. He's hysterical, but please don't, don't wreck it by talking politics, Ryan. Here he is about the 1980s. Listen to his take on the 1980s. What's interesting about when you get far enough away from a time period that's quite distinct, I think there's always a lovely feeling associated. It's almost like you pave over all the trauma with like puppy dogs and ice cream. And the 80s was a brutal, brutal time for people. It was a mess. And like, you know, people forget that it was like, that was a tremendous strike, political attention everywhere. You know, we're still like pretty fresh off like a Cuban missile crisis, which is only like 15, 20 years before. So, you know, it's a tumultuous period,
but you look back at it now and you're like, oh yeah, top gun, cocaine. Like, no, it was like a really scary. So I think, you know, I think when you look back in 2026 in this era, I think they're gonna like pick on the big ticket items that don't really, didn't really leave the footprint culturally that you would think it would. Like, I don't know, so much of the odds were like, like a mix of all the decades previous. Whereas the decades previous were their own thing. So I don't know, I wonder what it's gonna be. It's gonna be like, oh, the COVID era or something. I have no idea. No, you're probably right, it'll be Rose color glasses. Of course, we are living in the friggin' salad days right now. We just don't know it. Mm, interesting point of view. Look, he's probably right because you always look back on things years later and go, oh, those were the good old days. And he's right about the 80s were tough, but let me give you another point of view here. Before I get to the tough part of the 80s, let me give you another point of view. Say it's Saturday, 1984. Garage door is open, the radio is on.
Somebody's mother is standing on a porch, two houses down, hollering a name, you know, at the end of the dusk. That's how we know where children were. There was no way to locate children, except for moms out going, glan! Okay, there was one phone. It was in the kitchen, it was on the wall. It was in a color that they don't make anymore. They don't even know what that color is. The cord was long enough to reach into the pantry or into a closet, which was really the only place where every important conversation in America could take place. Nobody knows where you are, nobody's worried about it. You'll be home when the street lights are come on. Friday, you stand in front of a wall of video boxes for 40 minutes. And the ones, all the ones you want, even the one number five number six, if you were too late, all checked out. So you take home something worse and you're like, okay, I'm guessing I'm gonna like it. And Saturday, you sit with your finger on the record button, waiting for the DJ to quit talking if you were young enough so you could steal a song off the radio.
I always talk too long. So you get his voice on the tape forever and 40 years later, that's the version you hear in your head. And on Monday night, February 1983, a hundred and six million Americans sit down and watch the last episode of MASH. Not a hundred and six million across the season. A hundred and six million people on one night, more than half the country are all doing at the same hour watching the same helicopter lift off the same hill and the next morning, there was nothing to catch up on because everybody had already seen it. And I gotta tell you, I miss that more than I can tell you. But let me tell you something else that was going on in that street. About 25,000 Americans were killed by drunk drivers and that was a punchline. It was a bit comedians did. A man could be arrested for it four times and still have a license in his wallet.
And almost nobody wore a seat belt seat belts. I still have a hard time wearing a seat belt because I grew up in the 70s seat belts. Fewer than one in six. Kids rode loose in the bed of a pick up. I was one of them. Some of us didn't make it home. We got, we, when we moved on. Crack came into cities, took a decade of men with it. The disease showed up. This country couldn't sail out for years. Men died in hospital rooms where they were left with a food tray outside their door all alone. And under all of it, ran the hum that never shut off, which was everybody's private understanding that the whole thing could be over in about 19 minutes. It was November 1983, something close to 100 million people watched a made for TV movie about a nuclear attack on Kansas. And then a lot of us set up in the dark.
Some can still tell you what chair they were sitting in when they watched it. Same decade, same street, same summer. The third of May, 1980, a 13 year old girl named Carrie Leitner, walking to church to a church carnival with a friend. In Faroaks, California, car came up behind her. Driver was drunk. He didn't stop. He was a repeat offender. Been out on bail for two days from another hit and run. Somebody official had told her mother that men would probably not do any real time. That wasn't cruelty. That's just how it worked back then. Candy Leitner had never registered to vote in her life. She sold real estate four days later, her daughter was killed. One day after the funeral, she started an organization at her kitchen table. Four years later, she stood next to the president of the United States, where he signed the bill that raised the drinking age in all 50 states. 25,000, 25,000 a year is now around 10.
And we drive twice the miles now. Do the math and it comes out to a stadium full of people who are having dinner tonight because one mother said, no, you know, that's, that's just how it works. No, that's not how it works anymore. You know, in the early 80s, there were three men at a British base at the bottom of the world pointing an old instrument to the sky over Antarctica, writing down how much ozone was up there. One spring, they wrote the number and it came back wrong. Not a little wrong. A third of it was gone. They didn't call a press conference. They assumed their instrument was broken because, I mean, that's what a careful man assumes. First, it's broken. So they get a second instrument. Same number. They waited an entire season to see if it would happen again. Then they waited another one. And then they finally published. And everybody went back and looked at the satellite data and this, they had been seeing it, the satellite had been seeing it for years. The readings were so far below anything anyone expected that they had been,
they'd set it aside because it was probably equipment. The machine had been telling this number and everybody went, that's gotta be a mistake. Two years after that, a paper, every country on earth signed that paper. Montreal Protocol, every one. There's not another treaty in the history of the United Nations that every single nation ratified and the whole is closing slowly on schedule. It's closing. It's gone. So it wasn't better. It was actually more dangerous. We're safer today than we were then. We were more poisoned in some ways, although let's check the food now. We're more frightened than the country we are standing in right now because most people are afraid to even look at it. Most news organizations are denying the problems even exist.
So not enough people are awake to the problems and how big these problems are. And the 80s feel better because it's finished. We know the ending. We know the ending. It ended safely. But something was there that isn't now and it isn't the mall. 106 million people watched the same show when a story broke. It came out. All of us watched it from three different men in suits and whatever you concluded about it. You were arguing over the same set of facts. Candy Lightner could go on television. One time and reach the country. She couldn't do that today. Today she'd reach her slice and then other slices get told that she's a hysteric with an agenda. And a lot would be handed a reason not to listen to a mom whose daughter was just killed
walking in a church carnival. We're not better people. We had fewer instruments. That's it. Everybody has his own instrument now. Do you know that over 30% of Americans now say they're an influencer? Or a podcaster? 30% Give it a rest. I think we're a little out of control with our egos. 30% are influencers. Wow. We all have our own feed, our own numbers, our own weather. And the trouble with your own instrument is that nobody ever comes along and says, I think that might be broken. Those men at the bottom. Those men who stood at the bottom of the world got it right because they didn't trust themselves. They weren't trying to be influencers. They went and they got a second instrument and they checked the reading against somebody else's before they believe their own eyes. I don't want 1984 back. I've seen the numbers. I'll keep it at 2026.
I just want the instrument back. I want the other guy in the room. I want the person who says, hold on, hold on. Mine says something different. Let's look again and you do it together. That's not nostalgia. That's an appointment. That's Sunday dinner. That's a pew. That's a bleacher. That's a driveway. That's one neighbor you disagree with. And you like them anyway. We've always had problems. We've always had big problems. They seem lighter now because we got through them and we saw we solve them and we solve them together. You imagine how scary the 60s were when everybody was being shot? When the communists were in the streets just like they are now, everything's coming undone. We're losing a major war. Our whole identity. Everything that World War II was about is being flushed down the toilet. You imagine how frightening that was?
But we know the God era came after that. The Jesus revolution. Somehow or another we solved it and then we got into the 70s when the economy was stopping and New York was failing and Jimmy Carter was carrying his own luggage and helicopters were burning in the Middle East and yet we got through it and then we got the Reagan era. Where everybody believed we were going to blow the entire world up but we got through it. We're going to get through this but we're not going to get through this if we don't hold on to each other and we don't hold on to the things that we all have in common. Good things. The family. The friendships. The streetlights are on. Come home.
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This is the best of the Glenn Beck program and we really want to thank you for listening. Let me take you back to June. It's June, it's Gated Community Outside Williamsburg, Virginia. There's a five year old boy named Sam. He asks his mom, can I walk back to the pond and collect more goose feathers? It's half a mile. Sidewalks the whole way. 10 feet of grass between him and the street posted at 25. Two crosswalks, he had crossed them six times that morning and his mom said, yeah, I'm going to go in and make lunch. She was eight months pregnant with her fifth child and she was studying for the bar exam. This is a mom who cares deeply. Well, a passerby sees the boy call security. A guard walks him home, tells him on the way that bad people would want to take him. Now I want you to know, believe it or not, the stat show, your children are more safe today on our streets in America than ever before. I know it doesn't feel that way, but it's true.
So then the guard calls the police. Three squad cars come. Three. Two workers from the child protective services. Now, Carrie Ann Parkinson, she's the mom. She was charged with contributing to the delinquency of a minor. CPS substantiated a neglect finding and put her on Virginia's child abuse and neglect registry. She's going to be there on that for seven years. Last week, a judge convicted her six months in jail suspended. Okay, really? She assumes it means she can no longer volunteer at her children's school. She doesn't know yet whether she'll ever be able to get her law license now. She attends William and Mary. She summers as an intern in the office of a state senator who co-sponsored Virginia's reasonable childhood independence law. The one defining neglect as serious, obvious danger.
This is not one of those things. It passed the legislature unanimously in 2023. When her husband told the officials at the door the children need reasonable risk in order to grow up unafraid, he said the answer came back that a five-year-old can never be unsupervised. Ever? Ever? The same week in Plymouth, Mass. Twelve other people are trying to decide what happened to a mother named Lindsay Clancy. 80 witnesses, 300 exhibits, five days of deliberation, roughly 30 hours. Twice they've told the judge we can't agree. Yesterday, he read them the, I think they call it the Dynamite Act. The Dynamite Charge. You got one more chance. You got to do it. You're going to send you back because nobody's going to decide this. Nobody's going to have better chances of deciding this than you. Go back and decide it. One more time. Try.
One country, one week in Virginia, the state knows precisely what a mother owes to her child down to the crosswalk and in Massachusetts they can't decide, murder in 30 hours. Now there's another story going around this week meant to settle the second question with real confidence. And it's a story that happened in 1954 in Waterville, Maine. It was a story about a 24-year-old girl named Constant Fisher. She drowned her three children, Richard Daniel and Deborah, and then tried to take her own life. Her husband, Carl, comes home again in 1954 from the railroad shop and found the door locked. She had left a note saying God had told her to save them from evil. Well, she spent five years in a state hospital in Augusta. 1959, she's released to Carl. They moved to a house that he built in Fairfield. They had three more children in the summer of 1966. Carl comes home, finds the children dead, all three of them the same way.
The youngest was nine months old. Now, every version of this being shared this week carries the same moral. America felt sorry for a mom and the children died for it. It's not what happened. It's not what happened. If you want to read that and just get all of your news from somebody else's feed fine, but you're going to get it wrong because that's not the record. The moral is wrong. Constant Fisher, she was never tried in 1954. No verdict, no jury, no mercy because there was no trial. The examiners found her unfit to stand trials, so she was committed right away. Nobody forgave her. Nobody was asked to. She didn't get out because anyone's heart had softened. Carl had petitioned for her release in 1955 and the hospital's medical board said, are you crazy too? But she walked out four years later. Why? The reason wasn't because of sympathy.
It was a national campaign to empty the hospitals. A policy led her out, not a jury, not a judge, not a feeling, not sympathy, none of that. It was a policy and a policy that had a long tail behind it. We have been here before. Take you back one more step. 1841, 28th of March, 1841. School teacher went to jail in East Cambridge to teach Sunday school to the women locked up inside. Her name was Dortheia Dix. She was 39. She had been born in Maine. Now, some of those women had committed no crime. They were insane. Or somebody said they were insane. And the country had nowhere else to put them, so they were housed with felons. When she gets there, the room has no stove. Dix asks about it. She's told the insane don't feel the cold.
She spent the next 18 months walking into every jail and Alms House in Massachusetts with an notebook. She wasn't arguing. She was just counting. In January of 1843, she handed the legislator what she had written down. She told them she had come to call their attention to insane persons confined within the Commonwealth in cages, closets, sellers, stalls, pins, chained, naked, beaten with rods. And then she named all the towns. They built. She went to the next state and they built there. And she traveled to tens of thousands of places and cities and tens of thousands of miles. Hospital after hospital went up because one woman with a notebook made it impossible to keep not knowing. In 1854, she gets to Congress. Both houses pass a bill settling a setting aside more than 12 million acres of federal land, 10 million of it for the care of the insane and the poor. Sell the land, run the hospitals on the proceeds. But on the 3rd of May, President
Franklin Pierce vetoed it. He said he was compelled to resist the sympathies of his own heart. His reasoning was constitutional. He said, if Washington can provide for the insane poor, it can provide for all of the poor. And that has to be done by the states, not the federal government. Now serious people still think he was right. I think he was right. Is veto held that line for 80 years until the Depression broke it. The Depression breaks it. Now understand, understand what all of this means on the ground. Every asylum in America would be a state asylum funded by a state legislature in whatever year that legislature felt generous. When they didn't feel generous, unfunded systems don't stay merciful. They get crowded and then they get very cruel. And by the 50s, the hospitals that Dix had built held far more people than they could treat. The peak came in 1955, 558,922 Americans in state mental hospitals on a single count.
You've seen the movies of what these hospitals were like. And Constance Fischer's was in that system at the high water mark. Four years later, they began saying we got to clear people out. Today, those hospitals hold fewer than 40,000 beds. In a country twice the size, nobody evaporated. Roughly two million Americans with serious mental illness are booked into jail every single year. We're doing exactly the same thing. The largest mental health facilities in the United States are jails in our counties. 185 years and we're standing in the same room with no stove. So let me put those two moms back on the table in Williamsburg. The state had enormous confidence and unlimited reach in a case where nothing happened at all. In Plymouth, in Waterville, the state had almost no capacity where everything happened.
That's the trade we've made without voting for it. We can't hold the dangerous so we supervise the safe. And notice what's doing all the work in all of it. Not judgment, a category. A five-year-old can never be unsupervised. That's a category. It doesn't require everybody meet Sam or watch him at the crosswalk or ask a mother one question. It's cheaper than looking. Any mother who does this must be sick is another category. Any mother who does this must be evil is a category too. I don't know if she's sick or she's evil. I have no idea. And I've watched people on my own side of the aisle spend a week explaining a woman they've never met. Using a case from Maine in 1954, they haven't read. To reach a verdict, 12 people who sat through four weeks of testimony, they can't reach in 30 hours. That's not toughness. That's the same
shortcut in a different coat. Now, here's the thing about all these cases that actually bothers me. It's not the sentences. Only one of them gets a jury. Carianne Parkinson got a case workers finding a registry entry and a bench conviction. Nobody had to be persuaded of anything. Nobody was ever even required to look at her. Lindsay Clancy gets 12 strangers who can't leave that room until they agree. And after 30 hours, they still want to do the cheap thing. You know, a guard who sees a small child alone shrugs and goes, nah, is not a good man. And the neglect laws that exist because real neglect is real and children die of it. That's why they exist. Fine. But prove it about this child. Bring the evidence about this child.
That's all a jury is. The last institution in American life that forces somebody to look at one person before deciding anything about them. Who are we? Are we a country that sent a woman into a jail with a notebook? And then built hospitals because she counted. Are we them? Who are we? A country that closed the hospitals, kept the registry, got very good at supervising people who never needed supervision? Who are we becoming? It isn't being decided in Plymouth, it's being decided by whether we're still willing to do the expensive thing. Go look at the actual person. Dixas method is still available, still costs the same. She didn't theorize about the insane she walked in, county by county, she wrote down what she saw. You know a good mother.
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Before November 3rd, 35 races. He asked Mike Johnson for the list. Everybody tied. Everybody down. Anybody up by a hair. He said he was going to go to every single one of them. He named a couple in particular. He named Ken Paxton in Texas. He spoke highly of Ken Pax. He's like, you don't have to like the guy, but look at his policies. He was the best attorney general in the country. And I agree with that. He also named Dan Sullivan in Alaska. Talked about the craziness that, I mean, these guys don't care what it takes to end. You know that they found another guy with the same exact name to put them on the ballot just to split the vote. Are you kidding me? They'll do anything. They'll do anything. Now, will him going around the country work? I don't know. It certainly won't hurt. But at least I have to tell you, this guy just won't stop. Republicans have held the house in the Senate and they didn't deliver what they promised. You
noticed this spring in the primaries, you did something about it. You held them accountable. Some of them are not coming back. That is the system working exactly as designed. The primary is a room where we're supposed to settle our differences. Once that room is closed, the ballots are printed. So the only question left is the one that will decide everything. Will Republican voters actually show up for candidates? They just fought so hard to nominate. And quite honestly, when the system spends as much money, the most money than ever before, to defeat somebody like Ken Paxton, I don't know. That says something about him and the machine hating him. I kind of like that. That kind of, I would wear that as a badge of honor. Yeah, the machine tried to snuff me out because they're afraid of what I'm going to do because I won't play the game. You know, we fight it out in the primary. We stand together. We're supposed to in
November and that's not a slogan. That's the difference between a family and the mob. We are not a mob. And I think there are some, not you, but I think there are some in this country that need to be reminded. What's its stake? Go back two years ago. Do you remember what that felt like? Do you remember what we thought right before the election that if this fails, we're toast. The country as we know it is over. We won. And then this is two years ago. This is an ancient history. Two years ago, we all stood back and went, oh my gosh, look at what this guy is doing. Look at what he's doing without the help from Congress, without any cover, without a single thing handed to him, with a press that is still hostile as hell. He accomplished more than any other president in my lifetime and perhaps a great deal longer. And yet, and this is true, you still feel it at the grocery store. You're feeling it at the gas pump. When the mortgage quote comes back, you laugh out
loud because that's not right, right? Right? That sting is real. And nobody gets to tell you it isn't. But here's what else is real. Everybody keeps saying that Congress has to codify what this president has done or it all snaps back to the way that it was. And that's true. And much of that begins snapping back five months from now if we lose the house in the Senate. You got to remember most presidents coast through the last two years, gold watch, library plans, long weekends. It's a lame duck. He's not going to do anything. The question is whether his final two years are spent working because he won't. He won't. He's not going to gold watch it. He'll work or spent under subpoenas and arguments and a press going after him even more. Do we hand them the gavils and let the rest of his presidency become nothing but hearings and impeachments and investigations to anything he's ever done, everything he's ever thought of, anything he's ever said or anything he
might want to do in the future. And then there's the court. There's going to be a vacancy. One, maybe more somewhere between next year and five years from now. And that's just arithmetic. It's not speculation. It's arithmetic. Are you prepared to hand that seat to the Senate who can't define a woman who won't say plainly that Marxism is wrong in the wrong direction for this country? You and I are going to be gone someday, but that seat will still be there deciding. Now, Republicans could make this easier on everybody and themselves if they would just remember a few things and actions always speak louder than words and you've had two years of non-action. They're not likely to pass anything meaningful between here and November. So at a minimum, they might just relearn how to talk like human beings. Here, Mr. Speaker, give us something to vote for.
Oh, times up for that. Everyone with an R next to their names this fall, here's what people need to hear. First, say the word affordability. Can you say it? Can you say it? Say it like a man who's seen a receipt at a grocery store from time to time. When a candidate waves that off or argues over who invented the word or explains the groceries cost, what they cost, he's not sparring with a Democrat. He's contradicting a mom in the checkout line who's just put the meat back because she can't afford it for her kids. Don't argue with her. Tell her, I know, I see it. Here's what I'm doing. Here's what we're going to do and here's when it should pay off. Everything, stop running against 2021. You can, you could be entirely right about how we got here and still lose because nobody's asked who broke it. We know who broke it. But that's beyond the point. Who's going to fix it?
Talk about housing. It's the number one concern of Americans under 35 and men under 50. The very people who came out two years ago and are now being told be patient, be patient, be patient for what? Tell me how you're going to fix it. A 28 year old who can't ever imagine owning a home is not a polling problem. That's a citizen losing faith in the whole arrangement. I know we have, but somebody better start expressing a better answer and here they are. Build, permit, get the hell out of the way, get the government out of the way. Let people fix things. Talk about energy like it's the price of everything because it is. The freight, the fertilizer, the food, the flight home for Christmas. It's everything. Do you know that the Republican in Michigan running against El Sayed, Mike Rogers is his name. He's running ads of him in a hard hat in a factory pointing at things
that you can't see on the screen while shaking his head as if he's listening to the guy from the plant and the other hard hat. I got to tell you, what is it? 1985? I am so sick and tired of this. Here's what you need to do. Show up. Listen first and then respond like a real human being. Mean what you say and say what you mean. People will forgive almost anything from actually, from people who actually show up and say, I screwed that up. You know, I got to tell you, some of us saw this a long way off. You were in this fight in 2016. You were probably standing in a parking lot with a homemade sign with your children in 2010. You remember saying out loud, there are radical Islamists who mean every word they say, there's Marxist inside our own institutions who mean every word. And you remember the laughter from everybody, your paranoid, your friends, sit down, oh, red scare. Well, they're here now and they're not hiding and they'll tell you their name. They'll tell you what they believe. They'll
tell you exactly what they intend to do with this country. They put it on a website. They say it into a microphone and a camera smiling. And you're tired and you're discouraged. I know. You've been let down by people who've had your vote and then squandered it. Understand what that is. They don't have to, they no longer have to change your mind. They only have to stop breaking our heart, honestly, because they do it. They break your heart over and over and over again. And when they break your heart, then they break your will. They break you down. And somebody who is tired and discouraged, they don't have to be beaten. Their discouragement beats it. I want to tell you about a country that had every reason to quit, every reason to quit.
Okay, so let me tell you what happened in 1939. There were two dictators sitting in a room in Moscow and they carved up Europe on a piece of paper and they attached to that treaty a secret map. And on the wrong side of it were three small nations in the Baltic Sea. They were never conquered in war. They were just traded in a back room by men who had never been there. Okay, then came 50 years of it. Their flags illegal. Their songs illegal. Their farmers and their teachers and their pastors put on trains in the middle of the night. And when they said, we know what you did. There's a document. Moscow said there's no document. There's no, you have imagining this. In the summer of 1988, the Estonians began gathering in a field outside their capital where their grandparents had held song festivals for a century. And they sang the illegal songs night after night. Something close to a quarter of the entire country was standing in fields and singing.
August 23, 1989. 50 years to the day since those two men signed two million people in three countries walked out of their houses and they held hands. Align of human beings 400 miles long. Did you know this? It's 1989. No weapons. Nobody on a stage. Grammaz, farmers, children. Just shoulder to shoulder all across the highway. Everybody holding hands. No gap. Four months later, Moscow admitted, okay, that document was real. Two years after that, all three were free and they never fired a shot. They didn't out argue an empire. They out showed an empire. A chain like that has no strong link. It just has enough hands or it doesn't. Every single person on that road was the whole thing. That's you. That's this. Find it again.
Whatever it was that got you off the couch the first time, this is never going to be clean. A republic never is. That's the entire reason Franklin said, are giving you a republic if you can keep it because keeping it is hard. It's messy. It's full of switchbacks and disappointments and people who let you down. And this is still the finest thing human beings have ever built even with all those problems. And it's worth every bit of the trouble. How many of us are determined to keep it? I mean determined to keep it determined to be free. To lightly paraphrase JFK so ask not whether they've earned your vote. Ask whether your children have earned your courage. You are the one that will make the difference here. Not a consultant, not a war room. You.
Do one thing. Find one person who isn't planning on vote. One person who says, no, I can't vote for these clowns anymore. Remind them what it was like two years ago. Remind them there is one guy who's listening to you doing his best in their every day, trying to get it done all alone against all odds who's changed your life and your outlook from two years ago. And he's about to be completely alone and you're not showing up. What are you going to do? He's already alone. He's already got everybody. Now you're going to put sharks in the water all around him. Get them to vote. Get them to commit. Not, I'll think about it. Not a day, a time, a ride. We're going together. Find that person. Find the hand next to you and take it and then go. So sick of these people. It's like they don't care as much as you do. It's like this is a game to
them. It's not a game to me and it's not a game to you. It's not even our job. It's our honor. It's our duty. It's our hope for our children. Anybody who is playing the game just tell them pipe down. This isn't a game. This is not a contest. This is not a punishment. Who are you punishing? Who are you punishing Republicans? Well, I don't like that they didn't put John Cornyan in. So I'm not going to. Who is punished here? The people. And if the people lose, the country loses. You
disenfranchise us more. There's nothing left. Have you seen what's happening to us? Next hour I'm going to talk to you about what's happening with men and women. They are being divided by this stupid murder case in Boston. And now men are starting to look at women going, I don't know if I can trust you. Are you going to kill my kids? Everything has been turned against each other. Everybody is suspecting one another. There's not going to be a country left. Recognize that. This is a choice each of us makes in our own lives. You're either going to be part of that game or you're going to be part of solving it. And boy, it is. It is so hard to vote for these people because they have wasted two years. But what is your alternative? I for one would like another two years before the
Marxists come marching in because if you don't think the red green alliance is real, I think you might be on be beyond help. But keep listening for a while. We'll show you the receipts because they're everywhere. That's what's really going on. That's what that speech was really all about.
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